Ojibwa World View: a Re-examination

RESUME The authors review the extensive literature on Ojibwa personality and culture with specific attention to acculturation studies and child-rearing practices. They suggest a limited new focus for further research, specifically in the areas of adolescent developmental conflicts and adult interactions. THE CANADIAN JOURNAL OF NATIVE STUDIES V, 1(1985):115-134. Les auteurs revoit l'intensive littérature sur la personnalité Ojibwa et sa culture avec une attention accentuée sur "acculturation studies" et l'élevage des enfants. Ils suggèrent focus limité pour de futures recherches spécifiquement dans le domaine des conflits de développement chez l'adolescent et l'intéraction des adultes. 116 DAMIAN MCSHANE/ARTHUR W. BLUE This paper is an attempt to review and summarize the wide variety of material that has been collected over the years regarding Ojibwa Indian personality with references to child rearing practices and the effect of acculturation. This attempt is by its very nature limited as it draws on material published over a fifty year period, and suffers the theoretical limitations described by Sechrest as "inconsequential, trivial, and pointless" (1976:2-3). Fiske noted that in personality studies generally, "most of the data are the products of complex interpretive judgemental processes within the observer . . . the ties between observations and concepts are tenuous and inadequate" (1974:3). Densmore (1929) generally characterized the Ojibwa as: pleasant, dignified, having a genial manner, having a strong sense of humor, being very cooperative (between the sexes, with children also helping), thrifty (the women), having a very high standard of excellence (refraining from doing it if poorly skilled or will admit it is not good), honoring excellence, and, if the skill is truly extraordinary, considering it to be of supernatural origin. Spencer (1965) included the following characteristics as typical of the Ojibwa: self-reliant, patient and self-controlled; having generous humor; repressing emotions; and internalizing anger, hate and love; which all result in the fact that fighting may be attributed to fear of hunger and fear of malevolent sorcery. He also remarks that hostility was expressed in sorcery, and that it was believed that sorcery could cause illness in another or that illness could be caused by an intrusion of a foreign object or the stealing of a soul by supernatural means or by conduct contrary to cultural norms. Release from the effects of illness came from the help of a shaman or a public confession of deviant behavior. Hallowell (1955), spending years observing the Ojibwa, took varying but systematic approaches to analyze the psychological aspects of the Ojibwa. Systematically analyzing the earliest sources of observational data concerning the Ojibwa, Hallowell observed the following consistent picture (an "aboriginal baseline") of intellectual functioning: the traditional Ojibwa of the early 1600's had remarkably acute senses and perception, a tenacious memory, "high levels of intellectual functioning," noted "practical intelligence" (excellent hunting skills, could travel without guides or food), excellent judgement about everyday affairs, and an extremely detailed knowledge of places and events. Using observational techniques and administering the Rorschach to present day Ojibwa, Hallowell (1955) reported a nearly identical "intellectual picture", which included: indications that the Ojibwa function at a concrete, practical, common sense level; that their characteristic intellectual approach to anything is very cautious and precise; they have a capacity for observing acutely fine details; they have little interest in organizing such details into meaningful "wholes"; and that they exhibit a passive sort of fantasy that is " . . . a kind of idling imaginative activity..." Using the same early sources, Hallowell (1955)also analyzed the emotional structure of the traditional Ojibwa. Again a remarkably consistent and integrated pattern emerged, stressing a multi-faceted pattern of emotional restraint or inhibition which included: great fortitude and patience; the inhibition of any OJIBWA WORLD VIEW 117 expression of anger in interpersonal relations (that is, the maintenance of "amiability and mildness"); suppression of impulses to tell someone else what to do (which is congruent with the observed emphasis on independence and individualism there was no real political authority), which is also related to the lack of restraint exercised upon children (no corporal punishment, adults afraid of retaliation by children); reluctance to refuse a favor outright (Hallowell interprets that this was an avoidance of arousing displeasure or anger in others); everyone "left to his own way of thinking"; no overt expression of anger or aggression (which was tantamount to a challenge to a duel by sorcery); and retaliation always by covert means. Hallowell (1955:137) summarized and interpreted his analysis of early observations of emotional functioning in this way: "It can now be readily seen that with this strong weighting on the side of restraint not only in enduring the fortuitous 'circumstances of life, but in all the daily face-to-face relations with others that inevitably might have aroused emotions of annoyance, anger, or a desire to criticize or correct, all of which had to be suppressed for fear of arousing resentment in others, that individuals must have developed an extreme sensitivity to overtones of anger or the overt expression of it, the psychological prospective is one that suggests underlying anxiety anxiety lest one fail to maintain the standard of fortitude required no matter what the hardship one must endure; anxiety lest one give way to one's hostile impulses; anxiety lest one provoke resentment or anger in others". In addition, he notes that laughter was very important and that humor was institutionalized. Sacred myths were nearly always humorous and no tragic or sad stories were even thinkable. He interprets that laughter seemed to be the " . . . catharsis they need for their resolution of tensions". Observing and testing living Ojibwa, Hallowell. (1955) found the same type of emotional structure and in less acculturated Ojibwa of the upper reaches of some Canadian rivers it was almost identical. Laughing and joking during hunger and hardship still occurred. Illness was still met with great patience and yet considered a consequence of an individual's wrong-doing or the result of sorcery. Except for laughter there still was great restraint of public expression in all categories of emotion joy, irritation, etc. The most prominent feature of the Rorschach and TAT record was an emphasis on strong restraint and control. Evidence in face to face interactions which were testing emotional response showed a lack of overt emotional expression, The kinds of social roles the individual Ojibwa conceptualized were generally passive-standing, sitting, looking, and sometimes talking. However, in spite of such strong inhibitions and lack of emotional expression, many of the Ojibwa tested were found to be very (sometimes hyper-) sensitive to outer emotional stimuli. Hallowell (1955) interprets these findings thusly: "The typical Ojibwa character structure as revealed by the Rorschach is largely built upon the basis of defense mechanisms against anxieties. This is understandable in view of the great lack of other technics for mastering the economic and social environment. The best defense against all these threats is, as Mead has pointed 118 DAMIAN MCSHANE/ARTHUR W. BLUE out, a rigid self-discipline to stand alone and to acquire as much personal magic power as possible" (p. 363). Finally, Hallowell (1955) studied three groups of Ojibwa in differing geographical locations that exemplified little, moderate, and extensive acculturation levels in order to determine if there were significant psychological differences due to contact with whites. He concludes: "Detailed studies of the Rorschach and TAT, along with other data already cited, provided a body of evidence that all points in the same direction a persistent core of psychological characteristics sufficient to identify an Ojibwa personality constellation, aboriginal in origin, that is clearly discernible through all levels of acculturation thus far studied" (p. 363). However, he goes on to say that this pattern is differentially adaptive for different groups and individuals, functioning with less utility for those Ojibwa in the more acculturated environments. Ojibwa individuals (especially men) in highly acculturated situations cannot function in mentally healthy ways; the traditional functional system of integrated values no longer exists and new cultural influences have provided no substitute. Furthermore economic and social conditions do not facilitate a new and constructive resolution of this impasse. For the Ojibwa man, loss of self-regard and security flowing from the inability to be the main economic provider, among other things, is pushing the desirable psychological structure to the limits of its functional adequacy under varying pressures of acculturation according to Hallowell. This brief historical/psychological review leads to major questions of Ojibwa personality development and the assessment of child-adult interactions. ASSESSMENT OF OJIBWA PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT AND ADULT-CHILD INTERACTIONS There have boon only a few theories, conceptualizations, and hypotheses that have been put forth concerning the interface of culture, personality, and adult-child interactions in relation to the Ojibwa. Let us consider the underlying theoretical questions at stake in the study of Ojibwa personality. (1) The research reported here implies that personality is a function of the culture, a passive/reactive process that can be observed, classified and correlated to certain cultural factors. (2) However, if personality is an active process, we must ask in what ways has the culture changed to accommodate the personality changes. (3) Some consideration of personality as biologically determined must be considered especially when evaluating life-span personality development. (4) Finally, if the passive-personality position is to be adopted, then a concern for the cultural and biological interaction is necessary. OJIBWA WORLD VIEW 119 THE PASSIVE/REACTIVE MODEL OF PERSONALITY Kluckhohn and Murray (1948) established the general rational for the exploration of personality. They purported three universal antecedents of personality: biology, society and culture. This conceptualization of personality seems to underlie most of the work on the Ojibwa-Chippewa. Barnouw states: "The isolated character of Chippewa (Ojibwa) personality must be traced back to the formative influence of aboriginal social patterns, to the geographic isolation of Chippewa (Ojibwa) households (particularly in winter time), to the prevailing social atomism and to culturally fostered fears of the surrounding world" (1952:18). And summarizing Hallowell's findings with the Rorschach, Wallace relates: "The Ojibwa culture does not provide regularized stereotypes of dependency and hostility and the personality structure displays a high capacity for self-dependence, self-reliance, self-control . . ." (1970:109). James (1954) further explores this position: " . . . we have three alternative explanations of the relationship of economic-social experience and the personality among the southern Chippewa. First, although "atomism" produced a certain kind of personality structure among these people centuries ago, that personality has not changed in response to more recent experiences of reservation life (the last one hundred years) where populations are more concentrated than formerly (many Chippewa now live in permanent villages) and where contact with the "nonatomistic" white society is continuous. Second, there is the possible alternative that the southern Chippewa were only partially atomistic, and were developing increasing social solidarity during the trade period, in which case southern Chippewa personality cannot be adequately explained by historical-cultural "atomism" or derivative concepts such as "psychological isolation". Third, it may be considered that the personality traits which appear today in southern Chippewa (whether considered in terms of modal type or, as might be done, as a "reservation character") are largely products of recent and present experiences. The second and third statements as correlative hypotheses seem best supported both by historical and recent field data." Many of the personality traits which are attributed to a persistent "atomism" of southern Chippewa culture appear to be simply the social-psychological consequence of the proper economy and socially depressed conditions of the reservation today." James (1954) makes the suggestion that modern Chippewa personality in the southern areas (U.S. as compared to Canada) is a function of recent and present conditions and that Chippewa personality studies ought to become more 120 DAMIAN MCSHANE/ARTHUR W. BLUE situational. He validly suggests that concepts such as "atomism" and traits such as "individualism" and "self-reliance" or "oral dependency" and "psychological isolation " need to be more carefully defined and "pinned down by observational verification in the present situation." Boggs (1954, 1956) took the approach suggested by James, citing Kluckhohn and Murray (1948), he suggested that personality formation is determined by the culture of a group as it is presented to the child through group agents, especially parents and other family members. The problem addressed is whether the persistence, or changes in some adult personality characteristics can be traced to personality formation in childhood. "Personality formation" is viewed as a process of communication in which the child learns through interaction, by focusing upon the child's overt responses in interaction, an estimate of personality functioning is made which presumably could be related to the whole process of personality formation. Boggs (1954) states: "The hypothesis to be tested is that changes in culture patterns other than child-rearing will correlate with changes in the personality functioning of children in interaction with their parents. This hypothesis was tested among the Ojibwa communities studied by Hailowell by observing children in families which differed in their level of acculturation with regard to subsistence, kinship, and religion; classifying the children's responses in interaction with parents; and comparing estimates of the relative frequency of these responses. A second hypothesis focused on the behavior of parents: . . . Ojibwa personality might continue to great their children in a certain way." Boggs' approach, which focuses on a child's overt behavior in a given situation, classifying it in terms of its influence upon the parent and response to the parent, and then estimating the relative frequency of different behavior patterns in a number of varied situations, was the first to narrow the focus of exploration to a level amenable to adequate empirical analysis in terms of a possible specific mechanism of Ojibwa personality "persistence." THE ACTIVE MODEL OF PERSONALITY The second model outlined above and expanded by Kluckhohm and Murray (1948) asks: If one accepts evidence indicating persistence in many personality traits among the Ojibwa over a number of generations, do successive sociocultural patterns contain any basic continuities? This question comes out of the assumption of culture and personality studies that there is a congruence between the psychological structure of individual personalities and the socio-cultural conditions in which the individuals develop, and that as socio-cultural conditions vary, the personalities of the participants in the change can be expected to show some corresponding variation, given this assumption, how is it possible that despite some three hundred years of contact with European cultures and OJIBWA WORLD VIEW 121 peoples, and considerable change in culture, the Ojibwa model personality structure has not changed? Friedl (1956) hypothesizes the following: "Regardless of whether a Chippewa (Ojibwa) hunted or fished, or worked in a lumber camp; whether he was brought up by a mother or grandmother, with or without a father regularly in the home; whether he was trained by his relatives or went to a government school, he acquired the same expectations concerning the nature of human wants. By carrying out the patterns of Chippewa (Ojibwa) culture, each Chippewa (Ojibwa) has always come to expect that every situation in which he finds himself is likely to be relatively unique, immediate, and short-lived in its consequences. In other words, he learns to expect, and is usually provided with, continually changing circumstances. This paper will attempt to show that such an expectation on the part of the Chippewa (Ojibwa) has existed throughout Chippewa (Ojibwa) history, and furthermore to suggest that such underlying expectations are congruent with at least one Chippewa (Ojibwa) personality trait, that described by Caudell as " . . . a detailed, practical, non-creative approach to problems..." (1949:425)." Friedl (1956) cites Linton (1945), Kluckhohn (1941), and Kroeber (1948) to suggest that when cultures undergo considerable change in their overt or explicit levels, they still may maintain continuity through covert or implicit culture (or the implicit content of a particular culture), and that the expectation of unique, immediate consequences under conditions of incessant change is such an underlying factor for the Ojibwa. Hallowell (1947) similarly treats the constancy of Ojibwa personality structure in light of considerable culture change (and their close interrelationship) as an instance of lag between change in culture and in psychological orientation, with the assumption that, though delayed, the corresponding changes may eventually occur. As research questions, hypotheses, and theories, the above-presented directions have serious problems (i.e., lack of specificity, inability to test empirically, encompassing too many levels of analysis, imposition of ethnocentric world view), however, there is a more serious difficulty that exists when a step back is taken into a broader perspective. Trimble and Medicine (1976), two Indian psychologists reviewing the development of theoretical models and levels of interpretation in relation to the research of Indian mental health (and proposing the "ecosystems analysis matrix" as an alternative model), state the following: "Social scientists cannot continue to compile volumes of pragmatic, descriptive, and interpretative research without an ultimate objective, an objective of applied science is to offer practical solutions to problems, such problems may be conceived not only by the scientific community but by the very people involved with 122 DAMIAN MCSHANE/ARTHUR W. BLUE them. A point was to be reached where solutions must supplement understanding. At present, it seems that research alone has been the outstanding feature of the focus on American Indian mental health. This calls for a revision in a basic conceptualization of the research model and the types of data analysis that are or have been used, as well as their subsequent utilization." The body of research (represented above) concerning the Ojibwa, concentrated from just prior to 1950 to just after 1950, has two condemning characteristics: (1) in no way has it generated solutions to problems or benefited the lives of the Ojibwa; and (2) on the basis of the questions asked and data collected there have been virtually no other research efforts generated over the past 25 years which build upon those results or relate to the Ojibwa in similar directions. The research on Ojibwa personality may further be classified in relation to the conceptual frame of the observations. 1) Ethnographic studies which take into account the cultural history, customs, and practices. The studies may compare differing groups assumed to be the same ethnographic continuum, describe behaviors, traits or development within an ethnographic setting or differing points on 2) ecological studies which focus on systematic descriptions on the individuals in the social-cultural environment. In focusing upon general areas of potential exploration that have meaning and importance, the body of research mentioned earlier provides a descriptive base from which information concerning pitfalls to avoid and possible seeds of fruitful directions may be obtained. There have been six related approaches primarily utilized in previous research. 1. Ethnographic studies including descriptive-unsystematic wide ranging observations, both past and present (Densmore, 1929; Hilger, 1951; Crawford, et. al., 1967; Landes, 1969; Hildebrand, 1970). 2. Comparative/descriptive studies, including critical comparisons of past and present observations (Hallowell, 1946, 1955; Hildebrand, 1970). 3. Ecological studies of social pattern analysis, trait analysis/projective techniques statistical comparison of performance on projective tests by groups perceived to be at different l e v e l of acculturation (Caudill, 1949; Hallowell, 1946, 1955). 4. Social pattern analysis wide-ranging observation of patterns of past and present configurations of social participation and structure (Gillin & Raimy, 1940; Gillin, 1942; ,lames, 1954; Friedl, 1956; Miller & Caulkins, 1964; Red Horse, et. al., 1977). 5. Projective/developmental studies same as 4) but comparisons also made across age groups (Waltrous, 1949). 6. Interactional/behavioral analysis statistical comparisons of interactive behavioral patterns of groups of adults and children at different levels of defined acculturation (Boggs, 1954, 1956). Some of the results for each area are briefly summarized below: OJIBWA W O R L D VIEW 123 1 ) Descriptive and 2)Comparative/Descriptive Living in small bands of perhaps 100 to 150 related persons, the Ojibwa were a nomadic woodlands people who mainly hunted wild game, fished and trapped, gathered fruits and wild rice, and to a limited degree carried on a rudimentary form of agriculture. Food, clothing, shelter, transportation utensils in essence, all that was needed by the Ojibwa were created or gathered from the immediately surrounding environment. All essential articles were made by group members, and all adults could perform most of the required tasks of manufacture and daily maintenance. These small self-sufficient and selfcontained groups avoided all outside contact except those near neighbors to whom they were related by marriage and with whom they shared traditions, myths, and ceremonies. A strong medicine society, the Midewiwin, was a cohesive force in what was basically a loose social organization. In addition to magical powers, the religious leaders of this group had an extensive knowledge of herbal and plant medicine with which they treated the injured and sick. In their ceremonial and religious life, the Ojibwa emphasized direct relations with objects in their immediate surroundings. Religious leaders, shamans, were men and women who had magical ways to insure that game animals and fish would be available to the people. In return for the animals making themselves vulnerable, they did not overexploit them, and they performed certain ceremonies of thanksgiving that would ensure their future supply. There was also a strong cultural belief system that centered around maintaming close and friendly relations with the spirits of the animate and inanimate objects upon which they subsisted. The daily lives and thoughts of each individual were actively bound up in these relationships. One of the most important behavioral aspects of this culture was Ojibwa child-rearing practices. Several strong value orientations which held strong expectations for behavior were reinforced in several ways. Some of the most important values centered around the following: A) Older people should be respected, obeyed, listened to, and modeled; B) Pleasant and agreeable relations should be maintained at all times with neighbors and other group members (i.e., do not quarrel, live peaceably); C) Qualities of self-control, calmness and composure, patience, and ability to dream and to dance, the maintenance of honor and dignity and striving to live daily by the principles one believes in, should be sought after; and D) A sense of humor is desirable. Several methods were used to inculcate children with these values: 1) a moderate amount of fear, usually appearing to come from an outside source (i.e., the owl, the frightener) was utilized to facilitate the child's desire for an adult-valued behavior or belief; 2) games were played that were structured in such a manner that the adult-valued behavior or attitude was reinforced (i.e., the game of silence, not being caught by the frightener); 3) oral interactions with adults were repeated and reinforced in such a way as to facilitate the child's learning (i.e., repitition of song fragments, encouragement to relate child124 DAMIAN MCSHANE/ARTHUR W. BLUE ish dreams); 4) direct verbal instruction, advisement, warning came from parents and other significant adults (especially the "crier") in both public and private situations; 5) adults modeled, and pointed out models through group sanctioned positions (i.e., the crier) that were congruent with highly-valued beliefs; 6) environmental manipulation (i.e., child was bound to cradle board, if ill was rubbed with grease, held up and "danced", pacified by any means to prevent crying); and 7) grandparents instructed parents as to appropriate child-rearing practices. With respect to older people, Densmore (1929) notes that one or more grandparents were usually a part of every household. A man usually lived with his wife's family and the grandmother talked to the mother, instructing her on how to bring up the girls, and the grandfather advised the father on how to bring up the boys. One advice which was strong and often repeated was "if your children go among the neighbors and make a quarrel, don't you take their part. You must bring them home and make them behave themselves. Do not get into a quarrel with your neighbors because of the quarrels of the children" (Densmore, 1929). The essence of many of these methods are yet practiced today, as observed by Crawford, et. al., (1967): "Parents are still quite permissive in child-rearing but nowadays the threat of punishment from police or school authorities may substitute for the old bogeyman." However, we cannot speak from much experience about the intimate moments in modern Chippewa family life. One author, Boggs, who lived with several families, reports that praise is seldom used as a reward for children, but that it has great impact when employed. Young children seem to react immediately and eagerly to suggestions from parents when that rare event occurs but soon learn, as they mature, to make their own decisions independently. He also records that Chippewa fathers are relatively uncommunicative with their children except in tasks done together (and modern life has fewer and fewer of these). Mothers, likewise, may answer their daughter's questions about life problems as best they can but seldom initiate this kind of home-instruction nor do they go beyond the questions asked (for example, on sexual relations). In ease of unwed mothers the children are often accepted into the family by the maternal grandparents. Children are neither systematically excluded nor necessarily included in adult activities. Their firsthand experience may include exposure to almost everything in the adult world. There is little hostility or gap between age groups per se, and children are frequently found assisting in simple family chores such as babysitting, carrying water, gathering firewood, etc. There is still considerable affinity for the extended family, sometimes leading to factionalism along family lines. Although direct affection is not often shown, adults are generous with their children in matters like buying treats or toys. In children, this (teasing and bantering) may display itself as bullying and tormenting of younger children. (The typical adult reaction, incidentally, is to caution the smaller child to stay out of the way or not to provoke the bully)." OJIBWA WORLD VIEW 125 Studying past and present maternal-child care among the Ojibwa Hildebrand